Aug 12 (Reuters) - When Elon Musk endorsed Donald Trump
for president last month, the Tesla founder and chief executive
backed a candidate who vows to "drill, baby, drill," "end the
electric vehicle mandate" and reduce subsidies of the sort that
helped Tesla become the U.S.'s dominant EV manufacturer.
So instrumental have government loans, tax breaks and other
EV policies been to Tesla's fast growth that despite Musk's
gradual embrace of the former president and his Republican Party
rhetoric in recent years, the company continues to lobby the
U.S. and state governments for benefits championed by the
Democratic Party.
In February, for instance, Tesla in a filing with the U.S.
Environmental Protection Agency, or EPA, urged the Biden
administration to allow California to pursue stricter vehicle
emissions rules than the rest of the country - an idea Trump
opposes.
Months earlier, in a previous filing with the agency, Tesla
lobbied the government for regulations that would ban the
production of most new gasoline cars by 2035 - the so-called "EV
mandate" that Trump and others on the American right have
criticized.
The disparity is hardly the first time that the billionaire
entrepreneur - himself increasingly dismissive of subsidies -
has sent mixed signals on business and politics.
"Elon tends to say he's hostile to subsidies while Tesla is
gobbling them up like a hungry Godzilla," said Mike Murphy, a
Republican strategist who runs the EV Politics Project, a Los
Angeles-based advocacy group that seeks bipartisan support for
electric vehicles.
People familiar with Musk's management at the carmaker told
Reuters his approach to subsidies is pragmatic, a willingness to
accept public money if it's there for the taking. Musk's
willingness to overlook outright Republican opposition to an
industry he helped pioneer, meanwhile, signals a broader focus
on goals that may not dovetail with the immediate interests of
his businesses.
"Tesla is not the endgame for him," said Andrew Ward, a
management professor at Lehigh University, noting Musk's
holdings in sectors ranging from artificial intelligence to
space exploration to neuroscience. Musk could "sacrifice some of
the short-term interest in Tesla," Ward added, "if it'll satisfy
the long-term interests of his ambitions."
Musk and Tesla didn't respond to requests from Reuters for
comment. A spokesman for Trump didn't respond, either. A White
House spokesman declined to comment.
The growing bond between Trump and Musk could be on display
Monday night, when the Tesla boss is scheduled to interview the
Republican candidate on X, Musk's social media platform.
It's unclear exactly what ambitions Musk could seek to
advance through his increasingly vocal rejection of progressive
platforms - from EV subsidies to identity politics.
His support for Trump, once tenuous, solidified in July,
when Musk, after the failed assassination attempt against the
former president, endorsed Trump and said he would fund a
political action committee that federal records show has spent
$21 million to support him and oppose the Democratic ticket.
Days after the endorsement, one user on X asked Musk if he
would comment on Trump's views on EVs. "It will be fine," Musk
responded.
Whatever Musk's endgame, the public record clearly shows
that Tesla, since its founding over two decades ago, has
benefitted from government assistance, largely because of its
role in moving the U.S. toward cleaner cars. Tesla's first major
manufacturing facility, in Fremont, California, was developed
with the help of a $465 million loan from the U.S. Department of
Energy, repaid three years later.
More recently, Tesla has reaped almost $9 billion since 2018
by selling what are known as "regulatory credits," securities
filings show. The credits, awarded in the U.S. by the federal
and state governments to manufacturers who surpass increasingly
strict emissions rules, can be sold to other carmakers who are
unable to comply.
"There was no Tesla without California's regulatory bodies,"
California Governor Gavin Newsom said at a 2022 conference,
citing the importance of the state's credits to the carmaker's
finances.
A Reuters review of Congressional lobbying records - and
Tesla's public comments to federal and state regulators - shows
that the company has continued working to shape public policy in
favor of such benefits.
Earlier this year, in a February filing with the U.S.
Department of the Treasury, Tesla said that sustained government
support, by accelerating the transition away from fossil fuels,
would "mitigate greenhouse gas emissions, and protect the
country's public health and welfare."
"A SENSIBLE PERSON"
Musk once criticized Trump for dismissing the challenge of
climate change.
In June 2017, five months into Trump's presidency, Musk quit
White House advisory panels because the administration withdrew
from the Paris Agreement, a landmark 2016 treaty meant to tackle
climate issues globally. "Climate change is real," Musk wrote at
the time. "Leaving Paris is not good for America or the world."
After Trump lost his 2020 reelection bid, Musk told Fortune
magazine he was "super fired up" about President Joe Biden's
climate-change agenda and optimistic "about the future of
sustainable energy."
Musk soon soured, though, angry that the White House, in a
well-documented episode, didn't invite Tesla to a 2021 gathering
of EV makers. By December of that year, Musk distanced himself
from Biden's initiatives and criticized plans for what would
eventually become the Inflation Reduction Act, or IRA, a major
economic stimulus package built in part upon subsidies for clean
energy.
"I would just can this whole bill," Musk told the Wall
Street Journal then, saying Tesla didn't need public money.
Since the law passed in August 2022, however, Tesla has sung
a different tune. In formal comments to the Treasury and the
Internal Revenue Service, the company praised the law and said
it would seek "continuing engagement...to ensure these benefits of
the IRA are fully realized."
Among other benefits under the law, EV buyers can get
subsidies of up to $7,500 per vehicle if purchasers meet certain
income requirements. Tesla has said that tax credits laid out in
the law for battery manufacturing could generate as much as $250
million for the company per quarter. Musk himself, in a
conference call last year, said the incentives "could be
gigantic."
Other formal comments with various federal agencies have
continued to seek government help. A July 2023 filing with the
EPA appealed to sympathy for the downtrodden: Tesla lobbied the
agency for stricter emissions limits to improve "poor air
quality in many urban areas, including areas with vulnerable
populations."
For Tesla, emissions controls aren't just about the
environment.
By raising demand for regulatory credits among manufacturers
of less efficient vehicles, stricter limits help Tesla continue
to earn billions of dollars through sales of those credits to
rivals, like General Motors ( GM ) and Stellantis ( STLA ). In the last quarter
alone, sales of the credits generated $890 million for Tesla,
according to a July securities filing. The company reported net
income that quarter of $1.5 billion.
In an email, GM said it purchases such credits to keep up
with changing market and regulatory conditions. Stellantis ( STLA )
didn't respond to requests for comment.
Trump has opposed stricter emissions rules and criticized
subsidies for EV manufacturers. Shortly after endorsing the
former president, Musk echoed the sentiment. "Take away the
subsidies," he wrote on social media, a week before Tesla
reported its $890 million credit windfall. "It will only help
Tesla."
Some shareholders have disagreed. Ross Gerber, an outspoken
investor whose firm as of the first quarter owned a roughly $58
million stake in the carmaker, told Reuters that Musk's support
for the former president "is 100% contrary to his own personal
financial interests" and those of "one of the most important
companies for clean energy, which is Tesla."
In interviews, three former Tesla employees who worked on
the company's public policy efforts told Reuters that what some
see as contradiction is more of a tussle between ideology and
pragmatism. As a proponent of free markets, they said, Musk is
by nature opposed to most government intervention. If free money
or other benefits become available, though, Tesla would be
foolish not to take advantage of them.
"He's a very sensible person," one of the former employees
said.
Still, Tesla's most recent lobbying efforts contradict
Trump's discourse, like his repeated calls to "end the electric
vehicle mandate." Although no such mandate exists, the Biden
administration and states including California have sought to
encourage a gradual phaseout of the production of vehicles that
run on fossil fuels.
In its July 2023 filing with the EPA, Tesla called outright
for an end to the manufacture of gasoline cars, calling the
measure "essential" to address the "rapidly escalating climate
crisis." Musk, for his part, has grown circumspect, writing on
social media in June: "Climate change risk is overstated in the
near-term, but probably accurate in the long-term."
The dissonance isn't limited to Musk's environmental views.
In a May 2022 filing with the California Air Resources
Board, that state's emissions regulator, Tesla touted itself as
"a leader in creating a diverse and inclusive workplace." Many
of its employees, it said, hail "from communities that have long
struggled to break through the historic roadblocks to equal
opportunity." It wrote that "communities of color
disproportionately bear the impacts of air pollution."
The filing came just days after Musk, increasingly
disdainful of identity politics, made clear in a social media
post that he could no longer support Democratic candidates.
Democrats, he wrote at the time, are "the party of division &
hate."
In the weeks since Vice President Kamala Harris succeeded
Biden as the party's candidate for the White House, Musk has
made his distaste for her bid clear. Last week, after an X user
posted a video montage of Harris speaking about "equity" and
"equality," Musk replied: "Kamala is quite literally a
communist."
Joseph Costello, a Harris campaign spokesperson, in a
statement said: "Trump is bought and paid for by extremist,
anti-worker billionaires, and Elon knows that Trump will give
him reckless tax handouts at the expense of the middle class."
(Additional reporting by Hyunjoo Jin. Editing by Brian Thevenot
and Paulo Prada.)